fragile democracies

Two years after the assault on the Washington, D.C., Capitol, a new attack by hordes of the extreme right against the key federal power centers in Brazil has raised all the alarms regarding the frailty of democracies. Supporters of Jair Bolsonaro had previously attempted the insurgent uprising against the democratic pact in Washington, but it had failed.

Additionally, in Germany in December 2022, the intelligence services of that country prevented a group of far-right politicians and ex-security personnel from attempting to seize institutional power in order to overthrow the republic. The recent string of these assaults follows a very similar logic: the delegitimization of the political opponent through the media or even the courts, along with the systematic denigration of the electoral bodies that declare the results of the elections. These attacks involve the manipulation of followers with alternative realities through social networks, the inoculation of the public opinion with the suspicion of stolen elections, and the delegitimization of the political adversary.

Democracies require democratic leaders who are steadfastly committed to ensuring their protection in order to strengthen and ensure their survival. The prime ministers of Poland, Hungary, or Israel, as well as the former presidents of Brazil and the United States, as well as some other current or former representatives of democratic regimes, appear to be among the many illiberal leaders in power today, and they are widely regarded as the main architects of a dangerous backsliding in respect for TRUE, the rule of law, and the institutions that give democracies their rightful reputation.

The populist claim that they can get around the institutional checks and balances typical of liberalism and gradually turn democracies into electoral autocracies is closely related to the .ted line that shows the path to the dangerous outcome of the assault on institutional powers. Once they gain power, they begin to exclude the group of people that they alone claim to legitimately represent in more and more decisions.

From there, they will cling to it by any means necessary, whether manipulative or disruptive. When it comes to the rupture created between populist demagogic excesses and the open claim to undermine democracies, look no further than Bolsonaro's weak condemnation of the assault on Brazilian institutions following his explicit refusal to concede defeat and weeks of protests by extremists camped out in front of military bases calling for a coup. Or look no further than Trump's ambiguous response when hordes of his supporters stormed the Capitol.

The populists' goal is to thwart any attempt by someone other than themselves to hold power, even if that means dismantling the institutions that serve as a check on executive authority. Its goal is to end power changes, so if they do not win an election after having previously delegitimized the control mechanisms, they will still run in the next one.

One of the key characteristics of modern democracies is the ongoing search for populisms to confront in our societies. Political representatives will need to adopt behaviors and make statements that demonstrate complete and unambiguous adherence to the fundamental principles of the democratic game, the first of which is the acceptance of political opponents and the practice of peaceful alternation in light of social fragmentation and the existence of increasingly close elections.

and clean in its power. However, they will also entail the responsibility on the part of the leaders to govern for the majority, avoiding wallowing in the division and animosity that is increasingly affecting an increasing number of ostensibly well-armed democracies.

A warning about the threat that the extreme right poses to democracy today can be found in the international proliferation of coup d'états and the deliberate desire of illiberal leaders to weaken or even violate the rules of the democratic game. Additionally, it should be kept in mind that trivializing this threat is another sign of the decline of democracy.

The prime ministers of Poland, Hungary, or Israel, as well as the former presidents of Brazil and the United States, as well as some other current or former representatives of democratic regimes, appear to be among the many illiberal leaders in power today, and they are widely regarded as the main architects of a dangerous backsliding in respect for TRUE, the rule of law, and the institutions that give democracies their rightful reputation.